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研究 弥合差距

家庭如何利用在线平台经济管理他们的现金流

当一个家庭遇到现金流中断时, 他们可以通过借贷进行调整, 削减支出, 或者产生额外收入. 随着在线平台经济的兴起,最后一种选择可能变得更加可行.

当一个家庭遇到现金流中断时, 他们可以通过减少储蓄来调整, 借款, 削减支出, 或者产生额外收入. 随着在线平台经济的兴起,最后一种选择可能变得更加可行. 在这项研究中, we report that supply-side participation in the Online Platform Economy functions as a cash-flow management tool for many families.

We leverage the 12bet官方 研究所 Online Platform Economy data set to investigate whether and how families use the Online Platform Economy to smooth income. 我们通过两个相反的视角来做到这一点. 第一个, we track the evolution of income and cash balances in the weeks leading up to and immediately following a family’s first joining the Online Platform Economy. 相反, we then track how Online Platform Economy participation rates and average weekly platform revenues evolve around discrete cash-flow events. 总的来说,我们分析了2016年和2017年发生的五个具体事件:

  1. 线上平台经济进入: 一个家庭从平台公司收到第一笔直接存款, 表明家庭成员开始在网络平台经济中提供劳动力或资金. 在我们的样本中,有超过46万个家庭经历了这一事件.
  2. 失业: A family receives its first direct deposit from the public unemployment insurance system implying an involuntary job loss in the preceding weeks. 在我们的样本中,只有超过17万个家庭经历了这一事件.
  3. 工作收获: 一个家庭在没有工资收入的两个月后收到第一笔工资直接存款, 暗示新雇佣的家庭成员. 在我们的样本中,有超过76.9万个家庭经历了这一事件.
  4. 退税: 一个家庭收到了它的第一个联邦, 状态, 或者当年地方退税, 直接存入他们的支票账户. 这次事件的经历只有8人多一点.在我们的样本中有200万个家庭.
  5. 纳税: 一个家庭向联邦、州或地方税务机关支付年度第一笔电子付款. 这次事件只有2人多一点.在我们的样本中有400万个家庭.

找到一个: Income and cash balances decline by around 10 percent in the ten weeks leading up to a family joining the Online Platform Economy.

Average cash balances and average weekly take-home payroll income remain roughly constant until about ten weeks before a family begins participating in the Online Platform Economy. 然后, 两者开始同时下降, implying that families may be using liquid balances to maintain their expenditures while missing payroll income. 加入线上平台经济前约两周, 平均现金余额和工资收入下降了近10%. 政府来源的收入(包括, 例如, 社会福利(如失业保险)在加入前20周开始下降, 但在最后十周跌幅最大.

发现二: 就业活动促进了平台参与的变化, 尤其是在交通运输领域. 当人们失去工作时,司机的参与和收入会增加,而当他们获得工作时,收入会减少.

在非自愿失业之后, 许多家庭转向交通平台来补充收入, 一些公司也开始出售资产. 交通平台参与率从0.43%到0%.在这一事件中,有74%的人认为,这一数字增加了0.5%.31%,即72%. 销售平台的参与率从0.22%到0.百分之二十八——增加百分之零点二.06个百分点,或27%.

发现三: 不像就业的变化, 与税收相关的现金流对在线平台经济的参与收入没有影响.

退税和纳税不能促进参与在线平台经济的变化, 除了收到退税的那一周司机的参与度有小幅下降. 例如,家庭也不会对这些现金流事件做出反应, 用退款的钱买回一些休闲时间.

发现四: Men are more likely than women to use the Online Platform Economy to smooth income through involuntary job loss.

Families are more likely to turn to platforms to smooth income around an involuntary job loss if the primary account holder is a man. 不论性别, 然而, families turning to the Online Platform Economy during a spell of involuntary unemployment are most likely to join the transportation sector. 每位司机的平均收入, 以及这些平均值的性别差异, 在首次领取失业保险金前几周保持稳定. 值得注意的是,这一差距在几周后会扩大到50美元左右.

Data

结论

综上所述, our findings indicate that the Online Platform Economy—and particularly its transportation sector—play an income-smoothing function for families between jobs. 然而, 与税收相关的现金流事件与平台参与或收入的变化不一致. These findings add an important dimension to discussions around the design of policy and regulation of these labor markets. 我们看到了四个特别重要的含义:

第一个, 随着政策制定者权衡提高薪酬的方法, 好处, 保护平台工人, they ought to take into consideration potential impacts those same approaches might have on the very characteristics of platform work—low barriers to entry and high flexibility—that allows families to use it to smooth their income. Families in need of an income-smoothing tool may be turning to transportation platforms in particular because barriers to entry on these platforms may be lower than other sectors, and because it may be comparatively easy to generate revenues in the transportation sector with only occasional and periodic engagement. 随着围绕可转移福利计划的政策讨论继续进行, it is important to consider separately the needs of workers who intend to use platforms or other gigs as a primary source of income over the long-term from those who intend to use them as a temporary income-smoothing tool.

第二个, the Online Platform Economy may be more available as an income-smoothing tool for some families than for others. Women (or family members who share accounts with women) experiencing interruptions to their payroll income are less likely to turn to the Online Platform Economy. 在某种程度上,这种差异可能反映了结构性差异, 这需要政策制定者和平台提供商的关注.

第三, although fewer than 1 percent of families experiencing involuntary job loss actually turn to the Online Platform Economy to smooth their income, 对于这些家庭来说,每周150- 250美元的额外平台收益至关重要. Fully accounting for the additional marginal costs associated with platform participation is likely difficult even for participants, 因此,平台参与在多大程度上有效地产生实际收入仍不得而知. 然而,额外的现金流可能会解决重要的即时需求.

最后, high rates of labor churn in the Online Platform Economy have been taken in some policy discussions as an indication that joining may have proved to be a bad financial decision for many drivers. 然而, our findings imply that one function driving through the Online Platform Economy may play is to bridge a gap between jobs. 在这种情况下, the fact that many drivers find another job and become inactive shortly after joining should not necessarily be interpreted as “voting with their feet” against the viability of the Online Platform Economy as an option for generating income.

作者

法雷尔

开国和前总统 & 首席执行官